Saturday 10 October 2009

மகாத்மா காந்தி அவர்கள் வாழ்க்கை குறிப்பு


மோகன்தாசு கரம்சந்த் காந்தி (Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, குசராத்தி: મોહનદાસ કરમચંદ ગાંધી, அக்டோபர் 2, 1869 - ஜனவரி 30, 1948), மகாத்மா காந்தி என்று அன்புடன் அழைக்கப்படுகிறார். இந்திய விடுதலைப் போராட்டத்தை வெற்றிகரமாக தலைமையேற்று நடத்தியதன் காரணமாக இவர் "விடுதலை பெற்ற இந்தியாவின் தந்தை" என்று அழைக்கப்படுகிறார். சத்தியாகிரகம் என்றழைக்கப்பட்ட இவரது அறவழிப் போராட்டம் இந்திய நாட்டு விடுதலைக்கு வழி வகுத்ததுடன் மற்ற சில நாட்டு விடுதலை இயக்கங்களுக்கும் ஒரு வழிகாட்டியாக அமைந்தது.

இவரது பிறந்த நாள் இந்தியாவில் காந்தி ஜெயந்தி என்று கொண்டாடப்படுகிறது.
வாழ்க்கை
மை
மோகன்தாஸ் காந்தி 2 அக்டோபர் 1869 அன்று இந்திய நாட்டின் குஜராத் மாநிலத்திலுள்ள போர்பந்தர் எனும் ஊரில் பிறந்தார். இவரது தாய் மொழி குஜராத்தி. தந்தையார் பெயர் கரம்சந்த் காந்தி, தாயார் புத்லிபாய். காந்தி தனது 13ஆம் வயதில் தம் வயதேயான கஸ்தூரிபாயை மணந்தார். பின்னாளில் இருவரும் நான்கு ஆண் மகன்களைப் பெற்றெடுத்தனர்: ஹரிலால் (1888), மணிலால் (1892), ராம்தாஸ் (1897), தேவ்தாஸ் (1900). தனது 16வது வயதில் காந்தி தன் தந்தையை இழந்தார்.

பள்ளிப்படிப்பில் ஒரு சுமாரான மாணவனாகவே காணப்பட்டார் காந்தி. தனது 18ஆம் வயதில் பள்ளிப்படிப்பு முடிந்த பிறகு பாரிஸ்டர் (barrister) எனப்படும் வழக்குரைஞர் படிப்பிற்காக காந்தி இங்கிலாந்து சென்றார். தன் படிப்பை வெற்றிகரமாக முடித்து தாயகம் திரும்பிய காந்தி பம்பாயில் சிறிது காலம் வழக்குரைஞராக பணியாற்றினார். இது வெற்றிகரமாக அமையாததால் தன் அண்ணன் இருப்பிடமான ராஜ்கோட் டிற்கு சென்ற காந்தி, அங்கேயுள்ள நீதிமன்றத்தில் வழக்காட வருபவர்களின் படிமங்களை நிரப்பும் எளிய பணியில் ஈடுபட்டார். ஆனால் அங்கிருந்த ஆங்கிலேய அதிகாரியிடம் ஏற்பட்ட சிறிய தகராறால் இவ்வேலையும் பறிபோனது. இச்சமயத்தில் தென்னாப்பிரிக்காவில் தன் தகுகிக்கேற்ற வேலை ஒன்று காலியிருப்பதாக அறிந்த காந்தி உடனே அங்கு பயணமானார்.

தென்னாப்பிரிக்காவில்
இச்சமயம் தென்னாப்பிரிக்காவில் ஆங்கிலேயர் ஆட்சியில் நிறவெறியும் இனப்பாகுபாடும் மிகுந்து இருந்தது. இதுவரை அரசியல் ஈடுபாடில்லாது தன்னையும் தன் குடும்பத்தையும் மட்டுமே கவனித்து வந்த இளைஞராயிருந்தார் காந்தி. தென்னாப்பிரிக்காவில் அவருக்கேற்பட்ட அனுபவங்கள், பின்னாளில் அவரை ஒரு மாபெரும் அரசியல் சக்தியாக உருவாக்க உதவியது.

அங்குள்ள நாட்டல் (Natal) மாகாணத்தின் டர்பன் (Durban) நகரில் உள்ள நீதிமன்றத்தில் ஒருநாள் இந்திய வழக்கப்படி தலைப்பாகை அணிந்து வழக்காடச்சென்ற காந்தியிடம் அத்தலைப்பாகையை விலக்குமாறு நீதிமன்றத்தின் நீதிபதி உத்தரவிட்டார். காந்தியோ இவ்வுத்தரவை அவமதிக்கும் பொருட்டு நீதிமன்றத்தை விட்டு உடனே வெளியேறினார். பிறகொரு நாள் பிரிட்டோரியா (Pretoria) செல்வதற்காக தகுந்த பயணச்சீட்டுடன் தொடருந்தில் முதல் வகுப்புப் பெட்டியில் பயனம் செய்த காந்தி, அவர் ஒரு வெள்ளையர் இல்லை என்ற காரணத்திற்காக, ஆங்கிலேய அதிகாரி ஒருவரால் (Pietermaritzburg) தொடருந்து நிலையத்தில் பெட்டியிலிருந்து தூக்கி எறியப்பட்டார். வெள்ளையர் அல்லாத ஒரே காரணத்தால் இது போன்று பல இன்னல்களை காந்தி அனுபவித்தார். இதன் மூலம் தென்னாப்பிரிக்காவின் கறுப்பின மக்களும் அங்கே குடியேறிய இந்தியர்களும் படும் இன்னல்களை காந்தி நன்குணர்ந்தார்.


தென்னாப்பிரிக்காவில் காந்தி (1906)தனது ஒப்பந்தக்காலம் முடிவடைந்து இந்தியா திரும்ப காந்தி தயாரானபோது, அங்குள்ள இந்தியரின் வாக்குரிமையைப் பறிக்கும் தீர்மானத்தை நாட்டல் சட்டப்பேரவை இயற்ற இருப்பதாக செய்தித்தாளில் படித்தறிந்தார். இதை எதிர்க்குமாறு காந்தி அவரது இந்திய நண்பர்களிடம் அறிவுறுத்தினார். அவர்களோ, தங்களிடம் இதற்குத் தேவையான சட்ட அறிவு இல்லையெனக் கூறி, காந்தியின் உதவியை நாடினர். காந்தியும் அவர்கள் வேண்டுகோளுக்கு இணங்கி, தன் தாயகம் திரும்பும் முடிவை மாற்றிக்கொண்டு இத்தீர்மானத்தை எதிர்க்கும் நடவடிக்கைகளில் ஈடுபட்டார். இதில் அவர் வெற்றி பெறாவிட்டாலும் அங்குள்ள இந்தியர்களிடம் ஒரு விழிப்புணர்வை ஏற்படுத்தினார். பிறகு 1894ம் ஆண்டு நாட்டல் இந்திய காங்கிரஸ் என்ற பெயரில் கட்சி தொடங்கி அதற்கு அவரே பொறுப்பாளரானார். இதன் மூலம் நாட்டல் மாகாணத்திலிருந்த இந்தியர் அனைவரையும் ஒன்று திரட்டி, அவர்களை தங்கள் உரிமைக்காக குரலெழுப்ப ஊக்கப்படுத்தினார்.

1906ஆம் ஆண்டு ஜோகார்னஸ்பேக் நகரில் நடந்த ஒரு போராட்டத்தில் முதன்முறையாக சத்தியாகிரகம் எனப்படும் அறவழிப்போராட்டத்தை பயன்படுத்தினார். அகிம்சை, ஒத்துழையாமை, கொடுக்கப்படும் தண்டனையை ஏற்றல், ஆகிய கொள்கைகள் இவ்வறவழிப் போராட்டத்தின் பண்புகளாகும். இந்த காலகட்டத்தில் காந்தியும் அவருடன் சேர்ந்து போராடியோரும் பலமுறை சிறை சென்றனர். தொடக்கத்தில் ஆங்கில அரசாங்கம் இவர்களை எளிதாக அடக்கியது போல் தோன்றியது. பின்னர் பொதுமக்களும் ஆங்கில அரசாங்கமும் இவர்களின் உண்மையான மற்றும் நேர்மையான வாதங்களை புரிந்துகொண்டு இவர்களுடைய கோரிக்கைகளை ஏற்கும் நிலை ஏற்பட்டது.

இவ்வாறு தனது அறவழிப் போராட்டத்தின் மூலம் தென்னாப்பிரிக்க வாழ் இந்தியரின் சமூக நிலையை மேம்படுத்தும் முயற்சியில் வெற்றி கண்ட காந்தி தாயகம் திரும்பினார்.
இந்திய விடுதலைப் போராட்டத்தில்
தென்னாப்பிரிக்காவில் காந்தி தலைமையேற்று நடத்திய போராட்டங்களைப் பற்றி இந்திய மக்கள் அறிந்திருந்தனர். காந்திக்கு, கோபாலகிருஷ்ண கோகலே, ரவீந்திரநாத் தாகூர் போன்றோருடன் நட்பு ஏற்பட்டது. காந்தி இந்திய தேசிய காங்கிரஸ் இயக்கத்தில் சேர்ந்து ஆங்கிலேயர்க்கு எதிரான விடுதலைப் போராட்டத்தில் முழு வீச்சில் ஈடுபட்டார்.

1921ஆம் ஆண்டு இந்திய தேசிய காங்கிரஸ் இயக்கத்தின் தலைவராக காந்தி தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப்பட்டார் தலைமையேற்றவுடன் காங்கிரசில் பல மாற்றங்களை அறிமுகப்படுத்தி இயக்கத்திற்கு புத்துயிர் ஊட்டினார் சத்தியாகிரக வழிமுறைகளையும் சுதேசி போன்ற கொள்கைகளையும் வலியுறுத்தி காங்கிரஸ் இயக்கத்தை இந்தியாவின் மாபெரும் விடுதலை இயக்கமாக்கினார்.


உப்பு சத்தியாகிரக தண்டி யாத்திரை (மார்ச் 1930)பிப்ரவரி 1930ல் ஆங்கிலேய அரசு, இந்தியாவில் இந்தியர்களால் தயாரிக்கப்படும் உப்புக்கு வரி விதித்து. மேலும், இந்தயாவில் இந்தியரால் தயாரிக்கப்படும் உப்பை பிரிட்டிஷ் அரசாங்கத்தை தவிர வேறு யாரும் விற்கக் கூடாது என்ற சட்டத்தையும் இயற்றியது. இதை விலக்கிக் கொள்ளுமாறு காந்தி பிரிட்டிஷாரிடம் விடுத்த கோரிக்கை நிராகரிக்கப் பட்டது. சத்தியாகிரக முறையில் இதை எதிர்க்க முடிவெடுத்த காந்தி மார்ச் 2, 1930 அன்று 78 சத்தியாகிரகிகளுடன் அகமதாபாத்திலிருந்து குஜராத் கடலோரத்தில் இருந்த தண்டி நோக்கி 240 மைல் நடைப் பயணத்தை துவக்கினார். 23 நாட்கள் நடைப் பயணத்திறகுப் பிறகு, தன் சகாக்களுடன் தண்டி கடற்கரை வந்து சேர்ந்த காந்தி, அங்கிருந்த கடல் நீரை காய்ச்சி உப்பு தயாரித்து பிரிட்டிஷ் சட்டத்திற்கு எதிராக பகிரங்கமாக பொதுமக்களுக்கு விநியோகித்தார். மேலும் இந்தியாவில் கடலோரத்தில் இருந்த அனைத்து இந்தியர்களையும் இது போல் உப்பு தயாரித்து பயன்படுத்தச் சொன்னார். இந்தியாவின் பல இடங்களில் இது போல் நடந்தது, காந்தி உட்பட பல்லாயிரக் கணக்கான இந்தியர்கள் சிறையிலடைக்கப் பட்டனர். வேறு வழியில்லாமல் பிரிட்டிஷ் அரசாங்கம் காந்தியுடன் பேச்சு வார்த்தை நடத்தி இறுதியில் வரியை நீக்கிக் கொண்டது. உப்புச் சத்தியாகிரகம் என்று அழைக்கப்படும் இந்நிகழ்வு இந்திய விடுதலைப் போராட்ட சரித்திரத்தில் ஒரு திருப்புமுனையாக கருதப்படுகிறது. 1942ல் நடைபெற்ற வெள்ளையனே வெளியேறு போராட்டத்திலும் காந்தி பெரும் பங்கு வகித்தார்.

இது போன்ற பல போராட்டங்களின் முடிவில் 1947ம் ஆண்டு ஆகஸ்ட் 15ஆம் நாள் இந்தியா சுதந்திர நாடாக மலர்ந்தது ஆனால் காந்தியோ, சுதந்திர கொண்டாட்டங்களில் கலந்து கொள்ளாமல், இந்தியா-பாகிஸ்தான் பிரிவினையை நினைத்து மனம் வருந்தி துக்கம் அனுசரித்தார்.

மரணம்
1948ஆம் வருடம் ஜனவரி 30ஆம் நாள் காந்தி நாதுராம் கோட்ஸே என்பவனால் புது தில்லியில் சுட்டுக் கொல்லப்பட்டார்.

கொள்கைகள்
பகவத் கீதை, சமண சமய கொள்கைகள், லியோ டால்ஸ்டாயின் எழுத்துக்கள் போன்றவற்றால் ஈர்க்கப்பட்ட காந்தி, சத்தியம், அகிம்சை ஆகிய கொள்கைகளை தன் வாழ்நாள் முழுவதும் விடாமல் கடைபிடித்தார். அசைவ உணவுகளை தவிர்க்கும் வைணவ குடும்பத்தில் பிறந்த காந்தி, சிறு வயதில் புலால் உணவை சிறிது உண்டாலும், பின்னர் சைவ உணவையே, குறிப்பாக பழங்கள், கடலை, ஆட்டுப்பால் போன்றவற்றையே உண்டு வாழ்ந்தார். சைவ உணவே அசைவ உணவை விட மனித உடலுக்கு ஆரோக்கியமானது என்று தன் சோதனைகள் மூலம் அறிந்ததாக அவர் குறிப்பிட்டுள்ளார். 1902 ஆம் ஆண்டுக்குப் பிறகு, பிரம்மச்சரிய விரத்தையும் கடைபிடித்தார். வாரத்திற்கு ஒருநாள் மௌன விரதம் மேற்கொண்டார். தென்னாப்பிரிக்காவிலிருந்து இந்தியா திரும்பியவுடன், மேல்நாட்டு உடை அணிவதைத் தவிர்த்து இந்திய உடைகளையே அணியத் தொடங்கினார். உள்நாட்டில் தயாரிக்கப்படும் காதி உடையையே இந்திய மக்கள் உடுத்தவேண்டும் என்று அறிவுறுத்தினார்.

Friday 2 October 2009

M.G.R


Maruthur Gopalan Ramachandran (January 17, 1917 – December 24, 1987), popularly known by his initials M. G. R. (Tamil: , was an Indian film actor, producer and politician. Well known as a Tamil activist and he served as the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu from 1977 until his death in 1987.
His Early life and background
M. G. R. was born in Nawalapitiya near Kandy, British Ceylon (present day Sri Lanka), to Kerala Nair parents — Gopala Menon and Maruthur Satyabhama (Nairs are traditionally matrilineal, hence he shares his matrilineal family surname "Maruthur"). His family was originally from Vadavannur, Palakkad, Kerala, but his father had migrated with his family to Ceylon.
MGR was a Hindu and portrayed himself as a devotee of Lord Murugan. He had asked his followers to pray for the success of his AIADMK party.
His followers even prayed for him when it was determined that he had a kidney illness. After his demise, his wife opened up a temple in his name.
After his father's death, he joined a drama troupe called Original Boys. Later, he entered the world of cinema, becoming an actor, and later a director, producer, and editor. MGR married Bargavi also known as Thangamani who died early due to illness. He later married Sathanandavathi who also died soon due to Tuberculosis. M. G. R. married V. N. Janaki a former Tamil film actress as his third wife after the death of his second wife. Janaki divorced her husband Ganapati Bhat, to marry MGR.
Acting career
M. G. R. with Janaki Ramachandran.Making his film debut in 1935, in the film Sati Leelavati, directed by Ellis Dungan, an American born film director, M. G. R. dominated Tamil cinema during the Fifties and Sixties with multiple blockbusters. Generally starring in romance or action films, M.G.R. got his big breakthrough in the 1947 film Rajakumaari, written by M. Karunanidhi. He rose to superstardom in 1954 after Malai Kallan. Later, this film was used as a template for other films by playing roles that portrayed him as the saviour of the poor and the oppressd. His movies were the medium of communication for the Dravidian movement.[citation needed]
He had the maximum number of all-time blockbusters to his credit at that time viz. Nadodi Mannan, Enga Veetu Pillai and Adimai Pen. He was shot by fellow actor Mohan R. Radha, affecting his ability to speak clearly. He won the National Film Award for Best Actor for the film Rickshakaran. His film Nadodi Mannan, which was produced and directed by himself and released in 1956, was re-released in 2006 and ran to full houses.
Political career
M. G. Ramachandran
Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu
Constituency Andipatti
Political party ADMK
Dravidian political parties
Dravidian movement
Periyar E. V. Ramasamy
Rise of Dravidian parties
Anti-Hindi agitations
Cinema in Dravidian politics
MGR was a member of the Congress Party till 1953 and he used to wear kathar. In 1953 MGR joined theDMK with the help of M. Karunanidhi. He became a vocal Tamil and Dravidian nationalist and prominent member of the DMK ("Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam" aka Dravidian Progressive Federation). He added glamour to the Dravidian movement which was sweeping Tamil Nadu. He became a member of the state Legislative Council in 1962. He was first elected to the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly in 1967. After the death of his mentor, Annadurai, MGR became the treasurer of DMK in 1969 after Karunanidhi became the chief minister.In January 1967, he was shot in the neck by fellow actor M.R. Radha. The bullet was permanently lodged in his neck and his voice damaged. Within hours of the shooting, some 50,000-odd fans had gathered at the hospital where MGR had been taken. People cried in the streets; shops closed. For six weeks, he lay in the hospital as fans awaited each report of his health. He was visited by a steady stream of commoners and luminaries of film industry, polity and bureaucracy. At the time of the shooting incident, MGR's popularity had been in gradual decline. The shooting was supposed to be conspired by his unannounced political rival, M.Karunanidhi. From his hospital bed, he conducted his campaign for Madras Legislatve Assembly. He won twice the number of votes polled by his Congress rival and the largest vote polled by any candidate for the Assembly.
He wanted the financial details of the party to be publicised which enraged the leadership of DMK and in 1972, MGR was expelled from the party, and floated a new party named Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (ADMK), later renamed All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), the only powerful opponent of the DMK. He became Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu in 1977, remaining in office till his death in 1987. In 1979, members of his party Satyavani Muthu and Aravinda Bala Pajanor, became the first non-Congress politicians from Tamil Nadu to be ministers in the Union Cabinet. The AIADMK won every state assembly election as long as MGR was alive. Although Anna Durai as well as Karunanidhi had acted in stage plays in trivial roles, in their younger days, before becoming chief minister, MGR was the first popular film actor to be a Chief Minister in India.
Once he became Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, he placed great emphasis on social development, especially education. One of his most successful policies was the introduction of the "Mid-day Meal Scheme" introduced by the popular Congress Chief Minister and Kingmaker K Kamaraj to a nutritious Mid-day Meal Scheme in the Government-run and aided schools in Tamil Nadu, which encouraged underprivileged children to attend schools. He also introduced Women's Special buses. He set up a free school for the Cinema Technicians children in Kodambakkam called MGR Primary & Higher Secondary School which provided Free Mid-Day meals in the 1950s.
His was instrumental in setting up the Tamil University, The Tamil Nadu Dr. MGR Medical University and the Mother Theresa Women's University in Tamil Nadu.

Saturday 4 July 2009

மூப்பனார்

G.K. Moopanar (1931-2001) was a senior Indian National Congress leader, a veteran Parliamentarian and a noted Philanthropist.He was a powerful All India Congress Committee general secretary from 1980 to 1988. Thiru.G.K. Moopanar was a close associate of Kingmaker, Bharta Ratna and Veteran Congress Leader Late Thiru.K Kamaraj Nadar who was a guiding force in his life.
Thiru. Moopanar did not get along well with the late Shri.Narasimha Rao, who was then the Prime Minister of India from 1991-96. So he parted ways with Rao on the issue on his joining hands with the AIADMK and founded his own party, the Tamil Maanila Congress(TMC). Despite this Thiru. Moopanar remained loyal to the Congress ideology.

Thiru. Moopanar came very close to becoming the Prime Minister of India in 1997 when Harkishan Singh Surjeet and Jyoti Basu asked him to lead a Congress supported government. He however declined the offer like his mentor K Kamaraj Nadar.[1]

Thiru.G.K. Moopanar had friends and associates cutting across party lines, and was also a close confidant of Prime Ministers Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi, moreover he was instrumental in making Rajiv Gandhi as the Prime Minister in 1984 after the death of Indira Gandhi.He was a patron of Arts and Music especially Carnatic music.

After the demise of Thiru. Moopanar, under the new leadership of Thiru. G K Vasan, TMC merged back with the Congress in the presence of Shrimati.Sonia Gandhi, who appointed Thiru.G K Vasan as a Secretary of the Indian National Congress till 2004 after which he went on to be the President of Tamil Nadu Congress Committtee later a Minister of State with Independent Charge and now after the 2009 Parliamentary elections he rose to become the Minister of Shipping in the Dr.Manmohan Singh led Congress government

வாழும் காமராஜர் என்று பொது மக்களால் அன்புடன் அழைக்கப்படும் கருப்பையா மூப்பனார், தஞ்சாவூர் மாவட்டத்தில் உள்ள கபிஸ்தலம் என்னும் சிற்றூரில் 1931ம் ஆண்டு ஆகஸ்ட் மாதம் 19ம் தேதி பிறந்தார்.
இவரது தந்தை ஆர். கோவிந்தசாமி மூப்பனார், தாயார் சரஸ்வதி அம்மாள்.
மூப்பனார் தனது 19 ம் வயதில் 1949ம் ஆண்டு கஸ்தூரி அம்மையாரை மணந்தார். இவர்களுக்கு ஒரு மகனும், ஒருமகளும் உள்ளனர்.
மூப்பனார் குடும்பம் தஞ்சை மாவட்டத்தில் புகழ் பெற்ற விவசாயக் குடும்பம். பழங்கால காங்கிரஸ்காரர்களை நினைவுபடுத்தும் ஒரு நினைவுச் சின்னமாக வளம் வந்தவர்.
பொது வாழ்வில் தூய்மை அரசியலில் நேர்மை என்ற தாரக மந்திரத்துடன் மற்ற அரசியல் தலைவர்களின் செயல்பாடுகளில் இருந்து முற்றிலும் வேறுபட்டவர் மூப்பனார். தனது சிறு வயது முதலே மூப்பனார் அரசியிலில் ஆர்வம் காட்டி வந்தார்.
அரசியல் தவிர கர்நடக இசையில் இவருக்கு அதிக ஈடுபாடு உண்டு. இவர் திருவையாறு தியாராஜர் உற்சவகமிட்டித் தலைவராக இருந்து வந்தார்.
மேலும் பொது சேவைகள் செய்வதிலும், விளையாட்டிலும் ஆர்வமுடையவராக இருந்தார்.
இசையை ரசிப்பதும், புத்தகங்கள் படிப்பதும் இவருக்கு பொழுது போக்கு.
மூப்பனார் இலங்கையைத் தவிர மற்ற எந்த வெளிநாட்டுக்கும் சென்றதில்லை. வெளிநாடுகளுக்குச் செல்லாத ஒரே அரசியல்வாதி மூப்பனாராகத்தான் இருக்கும்

Friday 6 February 2009

பெரியார்

Periyar Erode Venkata Ramasamy (Tamil: பெரியார், Kannada: ಪೆರಿಯಾರ್) (September 17, 1879 – December 24, 1973), also known as Ramaswami, EVR, Thanthai Periyar, or Periyar, was a Dravidian social activist and former politician from India, who founded the Self-Respect Movement and Dravidar Kazhagam. Periyar's championed the principles of rationalism, self-respect, women’s rights, social reform, and eradication of caste. He stood up against exploitation and marginalization of the non-Brahmin indigenous Dravidian peoples; and the imposition of, what he considered, Indo-Aryan India. To his followers and admirers, he was a courageous advocate for human rights and for the preservation of Dravidian cultures. He was hailed by a UNESCO award as "the prophet of the new age, the Socrates of South East Asia, father of social reform movement and arch enemy of ignorance, superstitions, meaningless customs and base manners".
Periyar was born in Erode, Tamil Nadu to a wealthy business family. At a young age, he witnessed numerous incidents of racial, caste and gender discrimination. Periyar married when he was 19, and had a daughter who lived for only 5 months. His wife, Nagammai, too passed away a couple years later.
Periyar joined the Indian National Congress in 1919. After failed attempts to bring about change in Tamil Nadu’s society through this party, he resigned.[when?] In 1924, Periyar led a non-violent agitation (satyagraha) in Vaikom, Kerala. From 1929 to 1932 toured Malaysia, Europe, and Russia, which had an influence on him.[specify] In 1939, Periyar became the head of the Justice Party,[11] , and in 1944, he changed its name to Dravidar Kazhagam.The party later[when?] split and formed the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK). While continuing the Self-Respect Movement, he advocated for an independent Dravida Nadu (Dravidistan).
In his old age,[when?] Periyar married for a second time. His second wife, Maniammai (also called Maniammai Ammaiyar), continued Periyar's social work after his death in 1973. As of 2009[update], the Dravidar Kazhagam is headed by K. Veeramani who has been actively involved in propagation and implementation of Periyar's thoughts and ideas
Early years
Young PeriyarPeriyar was born as Erode Venkata Ramasami Naicker on September 17, 1879, in Erode, Tamil Nadu. The name Naicker denoted the caste he was born into. Periyar's father, a rich businessman, was Venkata (Naicker), and his mother was Chinna Thayammal, alias Muthammal. He had one elder brother named Krishnaswamy and two sisters named Kannamma and Ponnuthoy.He later came to be known as "Periyar" meaning 'respected one' or 'elder' in Tamil.
In 1929, Periyar announced the deletion of his caste title Naicker from his name at the First Provincial Self-Respect Conference of Chenggalpattu.[16] He could speak three Dravidian languages: Kannada, Tamil and Telugu. His mother tongue was Kannada. Periyar attended school for five years after which he joined his father's trade at the age of 12. He used to listen to Tamil Vaishnavite gurus who gave discourses in his house enjoying his father's hospitality. At a young age, he began questioning the apparent contradictions in the Hindu mythological stories which he opined to be lies spread by the Indo-Aryan race. As Periyar grew, he felt that people used religion only as a mask to deceive innocent people and therefore took it as one of his duties in life to warn people against superstitions and priests.
Periyar's father arranged for his wedding when he was nineteen. The bride, Nagammai was only thirteen. It was not, altogether, an arranged marriage because Periyar and Nagammai had known each other and were already in love with each other. Nagammai actively supported her husband in his later public activities and agitations. Two years after their marriage, a girl child was born to them. However, this child lived only for five months. The couple had no more children
Kasi Pilgrimage Incident
In 1904, Periyar went on a pilgrimage to Kasi to worship in the revered Siva temple of Kashi Vishwanath. Though regarded as one of the holiest sites of Hinduism, he witnessed immoral activities, begging, and floating dead bodies.[1] His frustrations extended to functional Hinduism in general when he experience what he called Brahmanic exploitation.
However, one particular incident in Kasi had a profound impact on Periyar's ideology and future work. At worship site there were free meals offered to guests. To Periyar's shock, he was refused meals at choultries which exclusively fed Brahmins. Due to extreme hunger, Periyar felt compelled to enter one of the choultries disguised as a Brahmin with a sacred thread on his bare chest, but was betrayed by his moustache. The gatekeeper at the temple concluded that Periyar was not a Brahmin as Brahmins were not permitted by the Hindu shastras to have moustaches. He not only prevented Periyar's entry but also pushed him rudely to the street.
As his hunger became intolerable, Periyar was forced to feed on leftovers from the streets. Around this time, he realized that the choultry which had refused him entry was built by a wealthy non-Brahmin from South India. This discriminatory attitude dealt a blow to Periyar's regard for Hinduism, for the events he had witnessed at Kasi were completely different from the picture of Kasi he had had in mind, as a holy place which welcomed all. Ramasami was a theist till his visit to Kasi, after which his views changed and he became an atheist.
Member of Congress Party (1919-1925)
Periyar Ramaswamy joined the Indian National Congress in 1919 after quitting his business and resigning from public posts. He held the chairmanship of Erode Municipality and wholeheartedly undertook constructive programs spreading the use of Khadi, picketing toddy shops, boycotting shops selling foreign cloth, and eradicating untouchability. In 1921, Periyar courted imprisonment for picketing toddy shops in Erode. When his wife as well as his sister joined the agitation, it gained momentum, and the administration was forced to come to a compromise. He was again arrested during the Non-Cooperation movement and the Temperance movement.[8]. In 1922, Periyar was elected the President of the Madras Presidency Congress Committee during the Tirupur session where he advocated strongly for reservation in government jobs and education. His attempts were defeated in the Congress party due to a strong presence of discrimination and indifference. He later quit the party on those grounds in 1925.[9]
Vaikom Satyagraha (1924-1925)
Main article: Vaikom Satyagraha
In Vaikom, a small town in Kerala state, then Travancore, there were strict laws of untouchability in and around the temple area. Dalits, also known as Harijans or Sudras were not allowed into the close streets around and leading to the temple, let alone inside it. Anti-caste feelings were growing and in 1924 Vaikom was chosen as a suitable place for an organized Satyagraha, passive resistance campaign as practiced by Gandhi. Under his guidance a movement had already begun with the aim of giving all castes the right to enter the temples. Thus, agitations and demonstrations took place. On April 14, Periyar and his wife Nagamma arrived in Vaikom. They were met with arrest and imprisoned for participation. In spite of Gandhi's objection to non-Keralites and non-Hindus taking part, Periyar and his followers continued to give support to the movement till it was withdrawn. He received the title Vikkom Veeran, mostly given by his Tamil followers who participated in the Satyagraha.
The way in which the Vaikom Satyagraha events have been recorded provides a clue to the image of the respective oraganizers. In an article entitle Gandhi and Ambedkar, A Study in Leadership, Eleanor Zelliot relates the 'Vaikom Satyagraha' including Gandhi's negotiations with the temple authorities in relation to the event. Furthermore, the editor of Periyar's Thoughts states that Brahmins purposely suppressed news about Periyar's participation. A leading Congress magazine Young India in its extensive reports on Vaikom never mentions Periyar.
Periyar during the early years of Self-Respect MovementPeriyar and his followers campaigned constantly to influence and pressurize the government to take measures for removing social inequality even while other nationalist forerunners focused on the struggle for political independence. The Self-Respect Movement was described from the beginning, as "dedicated to the goal of giving non-Brahmins a sense of pride based on their Dravidian past".[22] In 1952, the Periyar Self-Respect Movement Institution was registered with a list of objectives of the institution from which may be quoted as
for the diffusion of useful knowledge of political education; to allow people to live a life of freedom from slavery to anything against reason and self respect; to do away with needless customs, meaningless ceremonies, and blind superstitious beliefs in society; to put an end to the present social system in which caste, religion, community and traditional occupations based on the accident of birth, have chained the mass of the people and created "superior" and "inferior" classes... and to give people equal rights; to completely eradicate untouchability and to establish a united society based on brother/sisterhood; to give equal rights to women; to prevent child marriages and marriages based on law favorable to one sect, to conduct and encourage love marriages, widow marriages, inter caste and inter-religious marriages and to have the marriages registered under the Civil Law; and to establish and maintain homes for orphans and widows and to run educational institutions.
Propagation of the philosophy of self respect became the full-time activity of Periyar since 1925. A Tamil weekly Kudi Arasu started in 1925, while the English journal Revolt started in 1928 carried on the propaganda among the English educated people.The Self-Respect Movement began to grow fast and received the sympathy of the heads of the Justice Party from the beginning. In May 1929, a conference of Self-Respect Volunteers was held at Pattukkotai under the presidency of S. Guruswami. K.V. Alagiriswami took charge as the head of the volunteer band. Conferences followed in succession throughout the Tamil districts of the former Madras Presidency. A training school in Self-Respect was opened at Erode, the home town of Periyar. The object was not just to introduce social reform but to bring about a social revolution to foster a new spirit and build a new society.
International travel (1929-1932)
Periyar on his trip to RussiaBetween 1929 and 1935, under the strain of World Depression, political thinking worldwide received a jolt from the spread of international communism. Indian political parties, movements and considerable sections of leadership were also affected by inter-continental ideologies. The Self-Respect Movement also came under the influence of the leftist philosophies and institutions. Periyar after establishing the Self-Respect Movement as an independent institution began to look for strengthening it politically and socially. And for this, he undertook a study of the history and politics of different countries combined with personal observation of the systems at work.
Periyar toured Malaysia for a month from December 1929 to January 1930 to propagate the self-respect philosophy. Embarking on his journey from Nagapattinam with his wife Nagammal and his followers, Periyar was received by 50,000 Tamil Malaysians in Penang. During the same month, he inaugurated the Tamils Conference convened by the Tamils Reformatory Sangam in Ipoh and then went to Singapore. In December 1931 he undertook a tour of Europe, accompanied by S. Ramanathan and Erode Ramu, to personally acquaint himself with their political systems, social movements, way of life, economic and social progress and administration of public bodies. He visited Egypt, Greece, Turkey, Russia, Germany], England, Spain, France and Portugal, staying in Russia for three months. On his return journey he halted at Ceylon and returned to India in November 1932.
The tour shaped the political ideology of Periyar to achieve the social concept of Self-Respect. The communist system obtained in Russia appealed to him as appropriately suited to deal with the social ills of the country. Thus, on socio-economic issues Periyar was Marxist, but he did not advocate for abolishing private ownership. Immediately after his return, Periyar in alliance with the enthusiastic communist M. Singaravelu Chettiar, began to work out a socio-political scheme incorporating socialist and self-respect ideals. This marks a crucial stage of development in the Self-Respect Movement which got politicized and found its compatibility in Tamil Nadu.
Opposition to Hindi
Anti-Hindi agitations
Periyar with C. RajagopalachariIn 1937, when Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari became the Chief Minister of Madras state, he introduced Hindi as a compulsory language of study in schools, igniting thereby a series of anti-Hindi agitations. Tamil nationalists, the Justice Party under Sir A. D. Panneerselvam, and Periyar organized anti-Hindi protests in 1938 which ended with numerous arrests by the Rajaji government.
During the same year, the slogan "Tamil Nadu for Tamilians" was first raised by Periyar in protest against the introduction of Hindi in schools. He explained that the introduction of Hindi was a dangerous mechanism used to the infiltration of Aryans on Dravidian culture. He reasoned that the adoption of Hindi would make Tamils subordinate to Hindi-speaking North Indians. Periyar explained that Hindi would not only halt the progress of Tamilians but would completely destroy their culture and nullify the progressive ideas that had been successfully inculcated through Tamil in the recent decades.
Cutting across party lines, South Indian politicians rallied together in their opposition to Hindi.There were recurrent anti-Hindi agitations in 1948, 1952 and 1965.
As President of the Justice Party (1938-1944)
Justice Party (India)
A political party known as the South Indian Libertarian Federation was founded in 1916, principally to oppose the economic and political power of the Brahmin jati groups. The party was later named the Justice Party, and its stated goal was to render social justice to non-Brahmin groups. In order to gain the support of the masses, non-Brahmin politicians began propagating an ideology of equality among non-Brahmin jati groups. Brahmanical priesthood and Sanskritic social class-value hierarchy were blamed for the existence of inequalities among non-Brahmin jati groups.[33]

In 1937, when the government required that Hindi be taught in the school system, Periyar organized opposition through the Justice Party to this policy. After 1937, the Dravidian movement derived considerable support from the student community. In later years, opposition to Hindi played a big role in the politics of Tamil Nadu. The fear of the Hindi language had its origin in the conflict between Brahmins and non-Brahmins. To the Tamil, acceptance of Hindi in the school system was a form of bondage. When the Justice Party weakened in the absence of mass support, Periyar took over the leadership of the party after being jailed for opposing Hindi in 1939. Under his tutelage the party prospered, but the party's conservative members, most of whom were rich and educated, withdrew from active participation.


Dravidar Kazhagam (1944-onwards)
Dravidar Kazhagam
Please help improve this section by expanding it. Further information might be found on the talk page. (February 2009)

In 1944, Periyar renamed the Justice Party to Dravida Kazhagam (Dravidian Association). This Association came to be well known amongst the urban communities and students. Villages were influenced by its message. Hindi, and ceremonies that had become associated with Brahmanical priesthood, were identified as alien symbols that should be eliminated from Tamil culture. Brahmins, who were regarded as the guardians of such symbols, came under verbal attack.From 1949 onwards, the Dravidar Kazhagam intensified social reformist work and put forward the fact that the superstitions were the cause for the degeneration of Dravidians. The Dravidar Kazhagam vehemently fought for the abolition of untouchability amongst the Dalits. It also focused its attention on the liberation of women, women's education, willing marriage, widow marriage, orphanages and mercy homes.
Formation of Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
Periyar and C.N. Annadurai.In 1949, Periyar's chief lieutenant, Conjeevaram Natarajan Annadurai established a separate association called the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), or (Dravidian Advancement Association).[12] This was due to differences between the two where Periyar advocated a separate independent Dravidian or Tamil state, while Annadurai compromised with the Delhi government combined with claims of increased state independence.[35] Periyar was convinced that individuals and movements that undertake the task of eradicating the social evils in the Indian sub-continent have to pursue the goal with devotion and dedication without deviating from the path and with uncompromising zeal. Thus, if they contest elections aiming to assume political power, they would lose vigor and sense of purpose. But amongst his followers, there were those who had a different view. They wanted to enter into politics and have a share in running the government. They were looking for an opportunity to part with Periyar. Thus, when Periyar got married to Maniammai on July 9, 1948, they quit the Dravidar Kazhagam stating that Periyar set a bad example by marrying a young woman in his old age - he was 70 and she 30. Those who parted company with Periyar also joined the DMK.[14] Though the DMK split from the Dravidar Kazhagam, the organization made efforts to carry on Periyar's Self-Respect Movement to the villagers and the urban students. The DMK advocated the thesis that the Tamil language was much richer than Sanskrit and Hindi in content, and thus was a key which opened the door to subjects to be learned.[12] The Dravidar Kazhagam continued to counter Brahminism, Indo-Aryan propaganda, and uphold the Dravidians' right of self-determination.[36]

Last years of service The activities of Periyar continued when he went to Bangalore in 1958 to participate in the All India Official Language Conference. There he stressed the need to retain English as the Union Official Language instead of Hindi. In 1962, Periyar welcomed the present General Secretary of Dravidar Kazhagam, K.Veeramani who offered to become a full time volunteer of the movement. Five years later, Periyar travelled to North India to advocate on the eradication of the caste system. Nearing Periyar's last years, an award was given to him by the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), and it was presented to him by the Union Education Minister, Triguna Sen in Madras (Chennai) on June 27, 1970. In his last meeting at Thiagaraya Nagar, Chennai on December 19, 1973, Periyar declared a call for action to gain social equality and a dignified way of life. On December 24, 1973 Periyar passed away at the age of 94.
Principles and Legacy
Periyar spent over fifty years working towards educating the people through his speeches. He propagated the realization that everyone is an equal citizen and the differences on basis of caste and creeds were man-made to keep the innocent and ignorant as underdogs in the society. Although Periyar's speeches were targeted towards illiterate and more mundane mass, scores of educated people followed them. These educated elites earlier knew nothing about how a few were propagating blind beliefs and caste distinction for their own selfish ends.

Periyar considered reasoning as a special tool. According to him, all were blessed with his tool but very few use it. Thus it was reasoning that was used in Periyar's material, with respect to related subjects of social interest, presented to his audiences.

Periyar was not only a social revolutionary but also a champion of the underprivileged. His sphere of activity was wide and when he took up an issue he went deep into it, understanding the aspects, and did not rest until he found a permanent solution. Communal differences in Tamil society were deep-rooted and appeared to be permanent features until Periyar came to the scene.


Rationalism

Periyar and his wife Maniammai.The bedrock of Periyar’s principles and the movements that he started was rationalism. What drew him to public service and made him dedicate his life to it was man’s inhumanity to man. He found that an insignificant minority in society was exploiting the majority and trying to keep them in a subordinate position forever. To set matters right, he wanted the exploited to sit up and think about their position. Unless they exercised their reason, there wouldn't be a realization that they were being exploited by a handful of people. If they started thinking, they would realize that they were human beings like the rest, that birth did not and should not endow superiority over others, and that they must awaken themselves and do everything possible to improve their own lot.
It was not an easy task for Periyar to create this awakening among the people who had, for generations, got used to a subordinate position. Most of them did not know that their subordinate position had been brought about by the cunning schemes of self-seekers. Thus, Periyar spoke to the people on innumerable platforms, over the years to arouse their thinking power.
Likewise, Periyar explained that wisdom lies in thinking and that the spear-head of thinking is rationalism. On caste, he stated that no other living being harms or degrades its own class. But man, said to be a rational living being does these evils. The differences, hatred, enmity, degradation, poverty, and wickedness, now prevalent in the society are due to lack of wisdom and rationalism and not due to God or the cruelty of time.
Periyar also blamed the capitalists for their control of machineries, creating difficulties to the workers. Consequently rationalism, which has to lead the way for peaceful life to all, had resulted in causing poverty and worries to the people because of dominating forces. He went on to explain that there is no use of simply acquiring titles or amassing wealth if one has no self-respect and scientific knowledge. An example he showed was the West sending messages to the planets, while the Tamil society in India were sending rice and cereals to their dead fore-fathers through the Brahmins.
In a message to the Brahmin community, Periyar stated, "in the name of god, religion, and sastras you have duped us. We were the ruling people. Stop this life of cheating us from this year. Give room for rationalism and humanism". He further explained that "any opposition not based on rationalism, science, or experience will one day or another, reveal the fraud, selfishness, lies and conspiracies".
Self-Respect
Self-Respect Movement
The factual accuracy of this section is disputed.
Please see the relevant discussion on the talk page.(February 2009)

Periyar's philosophy of self-respect, was based on his image of an ideal world and a universally accepted one. It is a philosophy preaching that human actions should be based on rational thinking. Further, it is an outcome of the natural instinct of human beings to examine every object and every action and even nature with a spirit of inquiry; and to refuse to submit to anything irrational as equivalent to slavery. Thus, the philosophy of Self-Respect taught that human actions should be guided by reason; right and wrong should follow from rational thinking, and; conclusions drawn from reason should be respected under circumstances. Freedom means respect to thoughts and actions considered 'right' by human beings on the basis of 'reason'. There is not much difference between 'freedom' and 'self-respect'.

One of the services Periyar did to Tamil society was that he instilled into every Tamilian the sense of self-respect. He made non-brahmins realize that they are as entitled to enjoy the rights and privileges that a Brahmin enjoys. It was not an easy thing for him to arouse this sense of equality in non-Brahmins. By means of his numerous speeches and articles, he appealed to non-Brahmins to learn and to be self-respecting citizens. He continued to remind them that most Brahmins claimed to belong to a "superior" community with the reserved privilege of being in charge of temples and performing archanas. They claimed that by virtue of their "superior" caste status, they could touch the idols in temples and the non-Brahmins could not even enter the sanctum sanctorum of the temple. In certain places the scheduled caste people were not allowed to use the tanks, wells and at times even the streets used by Brahmins. These unjust restrictions have been eradicated through the continual condemnations of Periyar and his lieutenants.
Women’s rights
Periyar E. V. Ramasamy and women's rights
Periyar with his wife Maniammai.As a rationalist and ardent social reformer, Periyar advocated forcefully, throughout his life, that women should be given their legitimate position in society as the equals of men and that they should be given good education and also the right to property. He was keen that women should realize their rights and be worthy citizens of their country.

Periyar fought against the orthodox traditions of marriage as suppression of women in Tamil Nadu and throughout the Indian sub-continent. Though arranged marriages were meant to enable a couple to live together throughout life, it was manipulated to enslave women. Much worse was the practice of child marriages practiced throughout India at the time. It was believed that it would be a sin to marry after puberty.[44] Another practice, which is prevalent today, is the dowry system where the bride's family is supposed to give the husband a huge payment for the bride. The purpose of this was to assist the newly wedded couple financially, but in many instances dowries were misused by bridegrooms. The outcome of this abuse turned to the exploitation of the bride's parents wealth, and in certain circumstances, lead to dowry deaths.[45] There have been hundreds of thousands of cases where wives have been murdered, mutilated, and burned alive because the father of the bride was unable to make the dowry payment to the husband. Periyar fiercely stood up against this abuse meted out against women.[46]

Women in India also did not have rights to their families' or husbands' property. Periyar fought fiercely for this and also advocated for the women to have the right to separate or divorce their husbands under reasonable circumstances.[46] While birth control remained taboo in society of Periyar's time, he advocated for it not only for the health of women and population control, but for the liberation of women.[40]

He criticized the hypocrisy of chastity for women and argued that it should also either belong to men, or not at all for both individuals.[47] While fighting against this, Periyar advocated to get rid of the Devadasi system. In his view it was an example of a list of degradations of women attaching them to temples for the entertainment of others, and as temple prostitutes.[48] As a further liberation of women, Periyar pushed for the right of women to have an education and to join the armed services and the police force.[47][49]

Periyar and his movement have achieved a better status for women in Tamil society. It was his conviction that in matters of education and employment there should be no difference between men and women. There was a time when no girl opted for engineering studies, or parents thought of sending their daughter to an engineering college. Today, lots of young women can be found studying at engineering and medical colleges in Tamil Nadu.[38]

His influence in the State departments and even the Center have made it possible for women to join police departments and having posts in the army. Periyar was engaged in strenuous propaganda against child marriage and now the government has fixed the minimum age for the marriage of girls to be eighteen. Through his advocacy for the equality of men and women, girls started to receive rights over ancestral property along with male children. Considering the growth in the percentage of Indian population, there are State governments encouraging birth control now. Periyar confronted this problem even over fifty years ago. He advised married people to limit the birth of children so that both men and women can be able to contribute their society. In one of his meetings he even wondered why the scientists should not think of producing test tube babies.
Social reform and eradication of caste
Periyar E.V. Ramasamy and social reform
Periyar E. V. Ramasamy and the eradication of caste

Periyar and Maniammai with children.Periyar wanted thinking people to realize that their society was far from perfect and that it is in urgent need of reform. He wanted the Government, the political parties and social workers to identify the evils in society and boldly adopt measures to remove them.[50] Periyar's philosophy did not differentiate social and political service.[51] According to him, the first duty of a government is to run the social organization efficiently, and that the philosophy of religion was to organize the social system. Periyar pointed out that while Christian and Islamic religions were fulfilling this role, the Hindu religion remained totally unsuitable for social progress. Conditions appeared to him such that the government was not for the people, but, in a "topsy-turvey" manner, the people were for the government. He attributed this situation to the state of the social system contrived for the advantage of a small group of people.[51]

One of the areas of Periyar's focus was on the upliftment of rural communities. In a booklet called Village Uplift, Periyar plead for rural reform. It should be stressed in this context that rural India still forms the largest part of the Indian subcontinent in spite of the ongoing process of urbanization. Thus, the distinction between rural and urban has meant an economic and social degradation for the rural inhabitant. Periyar wanted to eradicate the concept of "village" as a discrimination word among places just as the concept outcast among social groups. Periyar advocated for a location where neither the name nor the situation or its conditions imply differences among people.[52] He further advocated for the modernization of villages by providing public facilities such as schools, libraries, radio stations, roads, bus transport, and police stations.[52][53]

Periyar felt that a small number of cunning people created caste distinctions in order to dominate over society. That was why he emphasized the view that we must first develop self-respect and learn to analyze propositions rationally. A self-respecting rationalist will readily realize that caste system has been stifling self-respect and therefore he will strive to get rid of this menace.[54]

Periyar explained that the caste system in south India is, due to Indo-Aryan influence, linked with the arrival of Brahmins from the north. Ancient Tamil Nadu (part of Tamilakkam) had a different stratification of society in four or five regions (Tinai), determined by natural surroundings and adequate means of living.[55] Periyar also mentions that birds, animals, and worms, which are considered to be devoid of rationalism do not create castes, or differences of high and low in their own species. But man considered to be a rational being, is suffering from these because of religion. He further explains that amongst dogs you do not have a Brahmin dog, or a Pariah (untouchable) dog. Among donkeys and monkeys we also do not find such things. But, amongst men there is such discrimination.[56]


Ideals and criticisms
Those who had a dislike for Periyar accused him of attacking Hinduism and the Brahmin community. But his was targeted against Brahminism and not Brahmins, and the manipulation of Hinduism and not Hinduism as a faith. However, he was listed amongst the top 100 most influential people amongst Tamil society of the 20th century.[14]


Tamil language and writing
Main article: Periyar E. V. Ramasamy and Tamil grammar
Periyar claimed that Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam, and Kannada came from the same tongue, or same mother language of Old Tamil. He explained that the Tamil language is called by four different names since it is spoken in four different Dravidian states,and thus she has four different names. With relation to writing, Periyar stated that using the Tamil script about the arts which are useful to the people in their life and which foster knowledge, talent and courage, and propagating them among the masses, thereby will enlighten the people. Further, he explained that it will enrich the language, and thus it can be regarded as a zeal for Tamil.[57] Periyar also stated that if words of North Indian origin (Sanskrit) are removed from Telugu, Kannada, and Malayalam all that will be left will only be Tamil. On the Brahmin usage of Tamil, he stated how the Tamil spoken by the Andrhas and the Malayalee peoples were far better than the Tamil spoken by the Brahmins. Periyar believed that Tamil language will make the Dravidian people unite under the banner of Tamil culture, and that it will make the Kannadigas, Andhras and the Malayalees be vigilant. With regards to a Dravidian alliance under a common unbrella language, Periyar stated that "a time will come for unity. This will go on till there is an end to the North Indian domination. We shall reclaim an independent sovereign state for us".[58]

Periyar's ideas on Tamil alphabet reforms and his reasons were for the following such as the vowel 'ஈ' (i), having a cursive and looped representation of the short form, 'இ' (I). In stone inscriptions of 400 or 500 years ago, many Tamil letters are found in other shapes. As a matter of necessity and advantage to cope with the printing technology, Periyar thought that it was sensible to change a few letters, reduce the number of letters, and alter a few signs. He further explained that the older and the more divine a language and its letters were said to be, they need reform. Because of changes brought about by means of modern transport and international contact, and happenings that have attracted words and products from many countries, foreign words and their pronunciations have been assimilated into Tamil quite easily. Just as a few compound characters have separate signs to indicate their length as in ' கா ' , ' கே ' (kA: , kE:), Periyar argued why should not other compound characters like ' கி ' , ' கீ ' , 'கு ' , ' கூ ' (kI, ki:,kU, ku:) (indicated integrally as of now), also have separate signs. Further, changing the shape of letters, creating new symbols and adding new letters and similarly, dropping those that are redundant, were quite essential according to Periyar. Thus, the glory and excellence of a language and its script depend on how easily they can be understood or learned and on nothing else".[55]


Thoughts on Thirukkur
Thirukkural
Periyar hailed the Thirukkural as a valuable scripture which contained many scientific and philosophical truths. He also praised the secular nature of the work. Periyar praised Thiruvalluvar for his description of God as a formless entity with all positive attributes. He also suggested that one who reads the Thirukkural will became a Self-respecter absorbing knowledge in politics, society, and economics. Though certain items in this ancient book of ethics may not relate to today, Periyar explained that it permits such changes for today's society.[59]

On caste, he showed that the Kural illustrates how Vedic laws of Manu was against the Sudras and other communities of the Dravidian race. On the other hand, Periyar opined that the ethics from the Kural was comparable to the Christian Bible. The Dravidar Kazhagam adopted the Thirukkural and advocated that Thiruvalluvar's Kural alone was enough to educate the people of the country.[59] One of Periyar's quotes on the Thirukkural from Veeramani's Collected Works of Periyar was "when Dravida Nadu (Dravidistan) was a victim to Indo-Aryan deceit, Thirukkural was written by a great Dravidian Thiruvalluvar to free the Dravidians".[59]


Self-Determination of Dravidistan
Main article: Dravidistan

Periyar with Muhammad Ali Jinnah and B. R. AmbedkarThe Dravidian-Aryan conflict was believed to be a continuous historical phenomenon that started when the Aryans first set their foot in the Dravidian lands. Even a decade before the idea of separation appeared, Periyar stated that, "as long as Aryan religion, Indo-Aryan domination, propagation of Aryan Vedas and Aryan "Varnashrama" existed, there was need for a "Dravidian Progressive Movement" and a "Self-Respect Movement".[60] Periyar became very concerned about the growing north Indian domination over the south which appeared to him no different from foreign domination. He wanted to secure the fruits of labor of the Dravidians to the Dravidians, and lamented that fields such as political, economic, industrial, social, art, and spiritual were dominated by the north for the benefit of the north Indians. Thus, with the approach of independence from Britain, this fear that North India would take the place of Britain to dominate south India became more and more intense.[61]

Periyar was clear about the concept of a separate multi-linguistic nation, comprising of Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and Kannada areas, that is roughly corresponding to the then existing Madras Presidency with adjoining areas into a federation guaranteeing protection of minorities, including religious, linguistic, and cultural freedom of the people. A separatist conference was held in June 1940 at Kanchipuram when Periyar released the map of the proposed Dravida Nadu, but failed to get British approval. On the contrary, Periyar received sympathy and support from people such as Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar and Muhammad Ali Jinnah for his views on the Congress, and for his opposition to Hindi. They then decided to convene a movement to resist the Congress.[60][62]

The concept of Dravida Nadu was later modified down to Tamil Nadu[63] This led to a proposal of a union of the Tamil people of not only South India but including those of Ceyon as well.[64] In 1953, Periyar helped to preserve Madras as the capital of Tamil Nadu, which later was the name he substituted for the more general Dravida Nadu.[65] In 1955 Periyar threatened to burn the national flag, but on Chief Minister Kamaraj's pledge that Hindi should not be compulsory he postponed the action.[35] In his speech of 1957 called Cutantara Tamil Nadu En? (Why an independent Tamil Nadu?), he criticized the Central Government of India inducing thousands of Tamilians to burn the constitution of India. The reason for this action was that Periyar held the Government responsible for maintaining the caste system. After stating reasons for separation and turning down opinions against it he closed his speech with a "war cry" to join and burn the map of India on June 5. Periyar was sentenced to six months imprisonment for burning the Indian constitution.[66]

Advocacy of such a nation became illegal when separatist demands were banned by law in 1957. Regardless of these measures, a Dravida Nadu Separation Day was observed on September 17, 1960 resulting in numerous arrests.[67] However, Periyar resumed his campaign in 1968. He wrote an editorial on 'Tamil Nadu for Tamilians' in which he stated, that by nationalism only Brahmins had prospered and nationalism had been developed to abolish the rights of Tamils. He advocated that there was need to establish a Tamil Nadu Freedom Organization and that it was necessary to work towards it.[68]


Anti-Brahmanism vs. Anti-Brahmin
Periyar was a radical advocate of anti-Brahmanism. His anti-brahmanism was evident from his comments to his followers that if they encountered a Brahmin and a snake on the road they should kill the Brahmins first. He also used violent and vulgar language in his writings against Hindu gods.
In 1920 when the Justice Party came to power, Brahmins occupied about 70 percent of the high level posts in government. After reservation was introduced by the Justice Party, it reversed this trend, allowing non-brahmins to rise in the government of the Madras Presidency. Periyar, through the Justice Party, advocated against the imbalance of the domination of Brahmins who constituted only 3 percent[15][72] of the Population over Government jobs, judiciary and the Madras University. His Self-Respect Movement espoused rationalism and atheism, and although Periyar had Brahmin colleagues, the movement had currents of anti-Brahminism.[73] Furthermore, Periyar stated that:

"Our Dravidian movement does not exist against the Brahmins or the Banias (a North Indian merchant caste). If anyone thinks so, I would only pity him. But we will not tolerate the ways in which Brahminism and the Bandiaism is degrading Dravidanadu. Whatever support they may have from the government, neither myself nor my movement will be of cowardice".
Comparisons with Gandhi
In the Vaikom Satyagraha of 1924, Periyar and Gandhi both cooperated and confronted each other in socio-political action. Periyar and his followers emphasized the difference in point of view between Gandhi and himself on the social issues, such as fighting the Untouchability Laws and eradication of the caste system.

According to the booklet Gandhi and Periyar Periyar wrote in his paper Kudi Arasu, in 1925, reporting on the fact that Gandhi was ousted from the Maha Sabha, because he opposed resolutions for the maintaining of caste and Untouchability Laws which would spoil his efforts to bring about Hindu-Muslim unity. From this Gandhi learned the need of pleasing the Brahmins if anything was to be achieved.[76] Peiryar in his references to Gandhi used opportunities to present Gandhi as on principle serving the interests of the Brahmins. in 1927, Periyar and Gandhi met at Bangalore to discuss this matter. The main difference between them came out when Periyar stood for the total eradication of Hinduism to which Gandhi objected saying that Hinduism is not fixed in doctrines but can be changed. In the Kudi Arasu, Periyar explained that:

"With all his good qualities, Gandhi did not bring the people forward from foolish and evil ways. His murderer was an educated man. Therefore nobody can say this is a time of high culture. If you eat poison you will die. If electricity hits the body you will die. If you oppose the Brahmin you will die. Gandhi did not advocate the eradication of Varnasrama Dharma structure but sees in it a task for the humanization of society and social change possible within its structure. The consequence of this would be continued high-caste leadership. Gandhi adapted Brahmins to social change without depriving them of their leadership".[76]

Thus, Gandhi did not advocate the eradication of the Varnasrama Dharma structure but saw in it a task for the humanization of society and social change possible within its structure. The consequence of this would be continued high-caste leadership. Gandhi accepted karma in the sense that "the Untouchables reap the reward of their karma[76], but was against discrimination against them using the revaluing term Harijans. As shown in the negotiations at Vaikom his methods of abolishing discrimination were: to stress on the orthodox inhumane treatment of Untouchables; to secure voluntary lifting of the ban by changing the hearts of caste Hindus; and to work within a Hindu framework of ideas.[76]

On the Temple Entry issue Gandhi never advocated the opening of Garbha Griha to Harijans in consequence of his Hindu belief. These sources which can be labelled "pro-Periyar" with the exception of M. Mahar and D.S. Sharma, clearly show that Periyar and his followers emphasized that Periyar was the real fighter for the removal of Untouchability and the true uplift of Hairjans, whereas Gandhi was not. This did not prevent Periyar from having faith in Gandhi on certain matters.[76]

Religion and atheism
Periyar E. V. Ramasamy and religion
Periyar was generally regarded as a pragmatic propagandist who attacked the evils of religious influence on society, mainly what he regarded as Brahmin domination. At a young age, he was convinced that some people used religion only as a mask to deceive innocent people. That was why he took it as one of his duties in his life to warn people against superstitions and priests.[18] Anita Diehl explains that Periyar cannot be called an atheist philosopher. Periyar, however, qualified for the definition of what the term 'atheist' implies in his address on philosophy. He repudiated the term as without real sense: "…the talk of the atheist should be considered thoughtless and erroneous. The thing I call god... that makes all people equal and free, the god that does not stop free thinking and research, the god that does not ask for money, flattery and temples can certainly be an object of worship. For saying this much I have been called an atheist, a term that has no meaning".[55]

His is not so much denial of God as a criticism of religion’s lack of social concern.[77] In a book on revolution published in 1961, Periyar stated, "be of help to people. Do not use treachery or deceit. Speak the truth and do not cheat. That indeed is service to God".[78]

On Hinduism, Periyar believed that it was a religion with no distinctive sacred book, or origins, but to be an imaginary faith preaching the "superiority" of the Brahmins, the inferiority of the Shudras, and the untouchability of the Dalits (Panchamas).[79] Maria Misra, a lecturer at Oxford University, compares him to the philosophes, by stating, "his contemptuous attitude to the baleful influence of Hinduism in Indian public life is strikingly akin to the anti-Catholic diatribes of the enlightenment philosophes".[80] In 1955, Periyar was arrested for his public agitation of burning the pictures of Rama at public places, as a symbolic protest against the Indo-Aryan domination and degradation of the Dravidian leadership according to the Ramayana epic.[81] Periyar also shoed the images of Krishna and Rama, stating that they were Aryan gods that considered the Dravidian Shudras to be "sons of prostitutes".[82]

Periyar suggested to those who were marginalized within the Hindu communities to consider converting to other faiths such as Islam, Christianity, or Buddhism. On Islam, he stated how it was good for abolishing the disgrace in human relationship, based on one of his speeches to railway employees at Tiruchirapalli in 1947. Periyar also commended Islam for its belief in one invisible and formless God; proclamation of equal rights for men and women; and advocating of social unity.[83]

Periyar viewed Christianity similar to the monotheistic faith of Islam. He explained that their faith says that there can be only one God which has no name or shape. Periyar took an interest in Rev. Martin Luther, where both he an this followers wanted to liken him and his role to that of the European reformer. Thus, Christian views such as that of Ram Mohan Roy's The Precepts of Jesus has had at least an indirect influence on Periyar.[84]

Apart from Islam and Christianity, Periyar also found in Buddhism a basis for his philosophy though he did not accept that religion. It was again an alternative in the search for self-respect and the object was to get liberation from the discrimination of Hinduism.[85] Through Periyar's movement Temple Entry Acts of 1924, 1931, and up to 1950 were created for the non-Brahmins. Another accomplishment took place during the 1970s when Tamil replaced Sanskrit as the Temple language in Tamil Nadu, while Dalits were finally eligible for priesthood.[86]


Followers and influence

MGR paying respects to Periyar's mortal remainsAfter the death of Periyar in 1973, conferences were held throughout Tamil Nadu for a week in January 1974. Members were assured that their whole-hearted support and previous activities which the Dravidar Kazhagam was engaged in under the direct guidance of Periyar would continue with the same vigor. During the same year, at Periyar Thidal, Madras Tmt., Periyar's wife, Maniyammai, the new head of the Dravidar Kazhagam, set fire to the effigies of 'Rama', 'Sita' and 'Lakshmana' as a retaliation to the Ramaleela celebrations where effigies of 'Ravana', 'Kumbakarna' and 'Indrajit' were burnt in New Delhi. For this act she was imprisoned. During the 1974 May Day meetings held at different places in Tamil Nadu, a resolution urging the Government to preserve 80 percent[15] of jobs for Tamils was passed. Soon after this, a camp was held at Periyar Mansion in Tiruchirapalli to train young men and women to spread the ideals of the Dravidar Kazhagam in rural areas.[15]

On Periyar's Birthday of September 17, 1974, Periyar's Rationalist Library and Research Library and Research Institute was opened by Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi. This library contained Periyar's rationalist works, the manuscripts of Periyar and his recorded speeches.[54] Also during the same year Periyar's ancestral home in Erode, was dedicated as a commemoration building. On February 20, 1977, the opening function of Periyar Building in Madras was held. At the meeting which the Managing Committee of the Dravidar Kazhagam held, there on that day, it was decided to support the candidates belonging to the Najata Party, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), and the Marxist Party during the General Elections.[15]

On March 16, 1978, Annaiyar Maniyammai passed away. The Managing Committee of the Dravidar Kazhagam resolved on the day that in memory of Thanthai Periyar and Annaiyar Maniyammai they would carry on the activities of the Dravidar Kazhagam as vigorously as ever. Thiru Krishnasamy Veeramani was elected as General Secretary of the Dravidar Kazhagam on March 17, 1978. From then on, the Periyar-Maniyammai Educational and Charitable Society started the Periyar Centenary Women's Polytechnic at Thanjavur on September 21, 1980. On May 8, 1982, the College for Correspondence Education was started under the auspices of the Periyar Rationalist Propganda Organization.[15]

Over the years, Periyar's influence had an impact on Tamil Nadus political party heads such as former Chief Minister C.N. Annadurai[14] and present Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi[87] of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam' (DMK), V. Gopalswamy[88][89] founder of the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK), S. Ramadoss[90] founder of the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), Thol. Thirumavalavan, founder of the Dalit Panthers of India (DPI), and Dravidar Kazhagam's K. Veeramani. Other political figures influenced by Periyar were former Congress minister K. Kamaraj[, former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh Mayavati, and former Municipal Chairman of Kumbakonam S. Kumarasamy. Periyar's life and teachings have also influenced writers and poets such as Kavignar Inkulab, and Bharathidasan[93], including actors such as Kamal Hassan and Sathyaraj.

சக்ரவர்த்தி ராஜகோபாலச்சாரி




Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari (Tamil: சக்ரவர்த்தி ராஜகோபாலாச்சாரி) (December 10, 1878 - December 25, 1972), known as or Rajaji or C.R., was an Indian lawyer, writer, statesman. He was the second Governor-General of independent India. Later he became the Chief Minister of Madras State, and was one of the first recipients of India's highest civilian award, the Bharat Ratna in 1954. He was a devout Hindu.
At one time considered Mahatma Gandhi's heir, he joined Nehru's cabinet, first without portfolio, then, after Patel's death, as Home Minister. He was chief minister of Madras from 1952 to 1954.
On leaving government, he was among the first recipients of the Bharat Ratna, the Indian government's highest civilian award.
Rajagopalachari was born in a devout Vaishnavite Brahmin family of Thorapalli, a small village in the then Salem. He had his schooling in Hosur and college education at Madras and Bangalore. On graduating in law from Bangalore, Rajaji set up a successful practice as a lawyer in Salem. When in Salem, Rajaji showed keen interest in the social and political affairs. He was even elected as the Municipal Chairman of Salem and he held that post for two years. He was affectionately hailed as the "Mango of Salem".
Rajaji married Alamelu Mangamma at a very early age. The couple had five children. His wife died when he was 37 and he took the sole responsibility of taking care of his children.

In the Indian Independence Movement
Rajaji's interest in public affairs and politics began when he was elected to the Salem municipality. In the early 1900s, he was inspired by Bal Gangadhar Tilak. In 1917, Rajaji was elected Chairman of the Salem municipality.[1] He joined the Indian National Congress and plunged into the Indian independence movement. He participated in the agitations against the Rowlatt Act in 1919.[1] Rajaji was a close friend of V. O. Chidambaram Pillai. He was highly admired by Annie Besant and C. Vijayaraghavachariar.

When Mahatma Gandhi entered the freedom struggle in 1919, Rajaji followed him. He participated in the Non-Cooperation movement and gave up his profession as a lawyer.[1] In 1921, he was elected to the Congress Working Committee and served as the General Secretary of the party.[1]
When the Indian National Congress split in 1923, Rajaji was a member of the Civil Disobedience Enquiry Committee.[1] He supported the old guard and opposed the council entry programme of the Swarajists.

In the early 1930s, Rajaji emerged as one of the foremost leaders of the Tamil Nadu Congress. When Mahatma Gandhi organized the Dandi march in 1930, Rajaji broke the salt laws at Vedaranyam near Nagapattinam and suffered imprisonment.[1] Rajaji was subsequently elected President of the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee.[1] When the Government of India Act was enacted in 1935, Rajaji was instrumental in getting the Indian National Congress to participate in the general elections.[1]


Tenure as Chief Minister of Madras Presidency (1937 - 1940)
The Indian National Congress was elected to power in 1937 for the first time in Madras Presidency and barring the six years when Madras was in a state of Emergency, ruled the Presidency till India got independence on August 15, 1947.[2] Chakravarti Rajagopalachari was the first Chief Minister of Madras Presidency from the Congress party.

Rajaji's Cabinet
Portfolio Minister

Chakravarti Rajagopalachari (Also Chief Minister)
Revenue Tanguturi Prakasam
Law and Education Paramasiva Subbarayan
Labour and Industries Varahagiri Venkata Giri
Local Administration Bezawada Gopala Reddy
Public Health and Religious Endowments Tiruvengimalai Sesha Sundara Rajan
Public Works Maulana Yakub Hasan Sait

He issued the Temple Entry Authorization and Indemnity Act 1939 by which restrictions were removed on Dalits and Shanars entering Hindu temples.[3] In the same year, the Meenakshi temple at Madurai was opened to the people from the aforesaid communities. Rajaji also introduced prohibition[4] and sales tax in Madras Presidency to compensate for the loss of revenue due to prohibition.[5] To compensate for the losses arising due to prohibition, the Provincial Government had to shut down hundreds of government-run primary schools in the Presidency.[6] This measure, Rajaji's political opponents allege, deprived many low-caste and Dalit students of their education. Rajaji's opponents also assign casteist motives to the implementation of the Gandhi's Wardha scheme [7] in the educational institutions in the Presidency by the Congress Government.[6] However, his rule is largely remembered for compulsory introduction of Hindi in educational institutions which made him highly unpopular as a politician.[8] This measure sparked off widespread Anti-Hindi agitations even leading to violence in some places. Over 1,200 men, women and children were jailed for participating in these Anti-Hindi agitations.[9] Two agitators Thalamuthu and Natarasan lost their lives.[9] In 1940, the Congress ministers resigned protesting the declaration of war on Germany without their consent and the Governor took over the reins of the administration. The unpopular law was eventually repealed by the Governor of Madras on February 21, 1940.[9]


During the Second World War
As soon as the Second World War broke out, Rajaji resigned as Premier along with other members of his cabinet protesting the declaration of war by the Viceroy of India on behalf of the Indian people. Rajaji was arrested in December 1940 as per the Defence of India rules and sentenced to one-year imprisonment.[1] However, at a later stage, Rajaji differed in opinion over opposition to British war effort.[1] He opposed the Quit India Movement and advocated dialogue.[10][11] He reasoned that passivity and neutrality would be harmful to India's interests at a juncture when India was faced with the threat of a foreign invasion.[10] He also advocated dialogue with the Muslim League which was demanding the partition of India.[10] He resigned from the party and the assembly following differences over certain resolutions passed by the Madras Congress legislative party and with the leader of the Madras provincial Congress K. Kamaraj.[1]

When the War came to an end in 1945 and elections were held in the Madras Presidency in 1946, Kamaraj, the President of the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee backed Tanguturi Prakasam as the Chief Ministerial candidate to prevent Rajaji from coming to power. Rajaji, however, did not contest the elections and Prakasam was elected.

In the last years of the war, Rajaji was instrumental in negotiating between Gandhi and Jinnah.[1] In 1944, he proposed a solution to the Indian Constitutional tangle.[1] In the same year, Rajaji proposed that 55% be the "absolute majority" mark based on which it be decided whether a district should be a part of India or Pakistan.[12] This triggered a huge controversy among nationalists.[12]


As Governor of West Bengal (1947-1948)
When India attained independence on August 15, 1947, the British province of Bengal was divided into West Bengal and East Bengal, with West Bengal going to India and East Bengal, to Pakistan. With the support of Jawaharlal Nehru, Rajaji was appointed the first Governor of West Bengal. [13] The Chief Minister Prafulla Chandra Ghosh and the state cabinet had a high regard of him.[12]


As Governor-General of India (1948-1950)
Rajaji has the unique distinction of being the only Indian Governor-General. Prior to his occupying this distinguished position he had been serving as the Governor of West Bengal. Rajaji had served as Acting Governor-General during November,1947, when Lord Mountbatten was in England to attend Prince Phillip's marriage to then-Princess Elizabeth. Rajaji led a very simple life in the viceregal palace. It is known that he used to wash his own clothes. During this time a friend of Rajaji came to visit him. He was surprised to see the acting Governor-General Rajaji polishing his own shoes and asked why a governal general should polish his shoes. Rajaji replied sarcastically "Yes, indeed it is my own shoe and whose shoe do you polish?". Rajaji as Governor-General, Jawaharlal Nehru, as Prime Minister and Sardar Patel, as Deputy Prime Minister, constituted an impressive triumvirate which ruled the country from 1948 - 1950.

By the end of the year 1949, it was assumed that Rajaji, already Governor-General, was going to continue as President. But due to the internal politics of the Congress mainly between the supporters of Nehru and Patel, Rajendra Prasad was also taken up as a possible candidate. Congressmen who were opponents of Rajaji used his non-participation in the Quit India Movement as a weapon against him. Rajaji immediately called Rajendra Prasad and told him that as he did not want the country to witness a conflict between senior leaders so soon after the death of Mahatma Gandhi, he would withdraw from the Presidential Contest. Thus Rajendra Prasad became the President.[citation needed]


As Union Home Minister (1950-1951)
Rajaji served as the country's Home Minister for nearly 10 months. He at that time warned Nehru about the expansionist designs of China and also expressed regret over the Tibet problem, his views being in par with that of Sardar Patel, his predecessor[citation needed]. He had also expressed concern over the demands made about establishing new states on a linguistic basis, saying that it would generate differences amongst the people. Once in a cabinet meeting regarding Foreign Policy, Rajaji made a point and Nehru's view was different from that of Rajaji. The other members in the meeting also supported Nehru. Nehru turned to Rajaji and said "See Rajaji, the majority is with me!". To this Rajaji retorted "Yes, Jawaharlal! The majority is with you, but the logic is with me!". Nehru laughed and supported Rajaji's proposal.

When Rajaji was piloting the Press Bill in the Parliament in the year 1951, Shyama Prasad Mukerjee interrupted and said "Rajaji! Please remember that you have ceased to be a lawyer". Rajaji shot back: "Yes indeed, I accept that I have ceased to be a lawyer. But I have not ceased to be reasonable!".


As Chief Minister of Madras State (1952 - 1954)

CR with M G RamachandranC.Rajagopalachari who had become the Chief Minister of Madras State for the second time between 1952 and 1954, had introduced the scheme of conducting classes in the schools in the forenoon and asking the students to learn the traditional jobs of their parents in the afternoon. At the first stage it was implemented in the rural areas of the state. The Dravidian leaders assessed that the scheme was a clever device to keep the Shudra and Panchama castes as illiterates or semi-literates. Their children had just begun to attend school after centuries of denial of educational opportunities. They dubbed C. Rajagopalachari's scheme as Castiest Education Plan (Kula Kalvi Thittam) and began to agitate under Periyar's leadership demanding its withdrawal. As a consequence, the Chief Minister had to resign in March 1954, and Kamaraj assumed office on 14th April. Kamaraj abolished the half-day-teaching scheme, and assured Periyar that his Government would extent educational facilities to people in every nook and corner of the state.

Rajaji became the Chief minister due to a constitutional impropriety in 1952.In the 1952 elections Congress Party was reduced to a minority in the State Assembly and the Communist Party of India led coalition appeared to be in a better position to form the Government.[14] But Governor Sri Prakasa nominated Rajaji to the Legislative Council without the advice of the council of ministers and the selection of a nominated member as Chief Minister and further majority was obtained by luring opposition MLA[15] to join the party and Nehru was furious and wrote to Rajaji that" the one thing we must avoid giving is the impression that we stick to office and we want to keep others out at all costs"[16][17] Rajaji refused to contest a bye election and remained a non elected member.

Dr. P.C. Alexander himself a former Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra governor writes that the most conspicuous case of constitutional impropriety was the one by Sri Prakasa when he invited Rajagopalachari to form the government in the Madras state. During this time Potti Sriramulu called for a separate state by the name of Andhra and went on an unconditional fast until his goal was achieved. He died following complications that arouse during the fast and violent riots broke out in the Telugu areas of Madras State. Jawaharlal Nehru had initially warned that this method of fasting to achieve administrative or political changes will put end to democratic government but after death of Potti Sriramulu Nehru agreed to the demand for separate state of Andhra but refused to include Madras (now Chennai) city in Andhra. Serious allegations arouse that Rajaji did not intervene to break the fast or provide medical help for Sriramulu even though the fast had continued for over 50 days. On a side note, only one other person,Jatin Das, before Sriramulu, in modern Indian history actually fasted to death. In most cases they either gave up, hospitalised or arrested and force fed [18]. The State of Andhra was carved out of the Madras State in 1953, Rajaji remained aloof from the Andhra State and related issues.[19] He removed controls on foodgrains and introduced a new education policy based on family vocation. According to this policy students had to goto school in the morning and to compulsorily learn the family vocation, like carpentry, masonry etc after school. It was severely opposed as casteist and dubbed Kula Kalvi Thittam (Hereditary Education Policy) by his close friend Periyar who vehemently opposed it. This policy was under attack this from within the Congress as well as outside it. This ultimately led to his resignation in 1954.[20][21][22]

Split
Just ahead of the 1957, CR and his followers broke away from the Congress and formed the Congress Reform Committee. He came to an understanding with his former adversary, Forward Bloc leader U. Muthuramalingam Thevar, in forming an anti-Congress front. The two parties contested the elections jointly. In September CRC was renamed the Indian National Democratic Congress.


The Swatantra Party
In July 1957, CR merged his INDC into the Swatantra Party. He attacked the license-permit Raj fearing its potential for corruption and stagnation, even while the tide was in favour of Nehru's socialistic pattern. He wrote in his newspaper Swarajya thus -

"Encouraging competition in industry and giving incentives for higher production are good for the public as well as for the private interests. I want an India where talent and energy can find scope for play without having to cringe and obtain special individual permission from officials and ministers, and where their efforts will be judged by the open market in India and abroad. [...] I want the inefficiency of public management to go where the competitive economy of private management can look after affairs. [...] I want the corruptions of the permit-license-raj to go. [...] I want the officials appointed to administer laws and policies to be free from pressures of the bosses of the ruling party, and gradually restored back to the standards of fearless honesty which they once maintained. [...] I want real equal opportunities for all and no private monopolies created by the permit-license- raj. [...] I want the money power of big business to be isolated from politics. [...] I want an India where dharma once again rules the hearts of men and not greed."
There were many great personalities who got themselves affiliated with the Swatantra Party such as K.M. Munshi, Prof. N.G. Ranga, Minoo Masani, H.M. Patel, V.P. Menon and Maharani Gayatri Devi Queen of Jaipur.

The party proved to be a good opponent to the ruling Congress. The party won 45 Lok Sabha members in the 1967 general elections and was the single largest party in the opposition. It was the principal opposition party in the states of Rajasthan and Gujarat. It also formed a coalition government in Orissa. It also had a significance presence in the Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Bihar. In the mid 1960s it won nearly 207 legislative assembly seats all over India, as against 153 by the communists, 149 by the socialists and 115 by the Jan Sangh. But the Party started to disintegrate after the death of Rajaji. It finally merged with Charan Singh's Bharatiya Lok Dal in 1974.
Legacy
Rajaji with PeriyarIn 1954 during the United States' Vice President's 19 country Asian trip, Richard Nixon was lectured by Rajiji on the consuming emotional quality of nuclear weapons. Rajiji told Nixon that it was "wrong to seek the secret of the creation of matter. It isn't needed for civilian purposes. It is an evil and will destroy those who [try]'. Nixon apparently did not interpret this as anti-American, and in RN reported no argument with Rajiji's ominous prophesy. [23] Also, "... they discussed the spiritual life, particularly rereincarantion and predestination. Nixon filled three pages of notes recording what the sage had told him, claiming in his memoirs thirty-six years later that the afternoon 'had such a dramatic effect on me that I used many of his thoughts in my speeches over the next several years'." [24]

He was invited to the White House by President Kennedy; perhaps the only civilian, not in power, ever to be accorded formal state reception.[citation needed] The two discussed various matters and it is said that the great Indian statesman tried to impress on the young President the folly of an arms race - even one which the US could win. At the end of the meeting President Kennedy remarked "This meeting had the most civilizing influence on me. Seldom have I heard a case presented with such precision, clarity and elegance of language".

The nonagenarian's public life, spanning nearly eighty years are perhaps best recognized by Mahatma Gandhi's rich tribute to him praising him as: "the keeper of my conscience". Rajaji died in December, 1972 after a short illness.


Literary contributions
CR made several literary contributions. His works in his native Tamil are recognized as modern classics (published and re-printed several times). After his break with politics, he started on the massive task of translating the Hindu Scriptures Ramayana [1], Mahabharata [2] from Sanskrit to Tamil; and later into English. He received rave reviews from scholars and religious seers alike. He translated Upanishads [3] and Bhaja Govindam [4] into English. His book Hinduism - Doctrine and Way of Life [5] is a concise essence of the doctrine and way of life propagated by Hinduism.

His novels and short stories, themselves would have won him public adulation. He also translated 'The Tirukkural' from Tamil to English. 'Tirukkural' is an ancient piece of the Tamil literature and is often referred to as 'the flower of Tamilnad'. His ability as a writer, is in a sense, unparalleled, not just in India alone.

Some of his poetry was set to music and sung by Carnatic music's dominant personality M.S. Subbulakshmi at several occasions of importance, and once at the United Nations Kurai Onrum Illai [6] - (meaning - No regrets have I My lord, None) is a very famous song in the semi-Carnatic music genre written by Rajaji and the most popular version, (widely acknowledged as soul-stirring) has been rendered by M.S. Subbulakshmi. Rajaji also composed a hymn [7] which was sung in 1966 at the United Nations, again by M.S. Subbulakshmi.

Thursday 5 February 2009

K.Kamaraj


Kamaraj Kumarasami, better known as K. Kamaraj (15 July 1903 – 2 October 1975) was an Indian politician widely known to be the kingmaker in Indian politics, and known for his honesty, integrity and simplicity.
He was involved in the Indian independence movement and was a close ally of Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India. He was instrumental in bringing to power two Prime Ministers, Lal Bahadur Shastri in 1964 and Indira Gandhi in 1966. He was affectionately known as the Gandhi of the South. In Tamil Nadu, his home state, he is still hailed for facilitating the spread of education to millions of the rural poor by introducing free education and free mid-day meals scheme in schools for the first time in the whole world during his chiefministership in 1957. He was awarded India's highest civilian honour, the Bharat Ratna, posthumously in 1976. The main airport in Chennai is today named Kamaraj airport in his honour. He was hailed as one of the greatest of leaders of all the free world by the then US vice-president Hubert Humphrey.
Early life
Kamaraj was born 15 July, 1903, to Kumarasamy Nadar and Sivakami Ammal at Virudhunagar near Madurai in Tamil Nadu. His parents were from a trading family. His real name was Kamakshi Kumaraswamy, but was affectionately shortened to Raja by his mother, Sivakami Ammal. His father, Kumarswamy Nadar, was a coconut merchant. Kamaraj was enrolled at the local elementary school, the Enadhy Nayanar Vidyalaya, and later shifted to the high school Kshatriya Vidyalaya.
Unfortunately his father died within a year of Kamaraj's enrollment in school. Kamaraj's mother sold all jewelry except her earrings and deposited the money with a local merchant and cared for the entire family on the monthly interest that the money earned.
Education
Kamaraj dropped out of school when he was in the sixth grade. When he entered mainstream public life he felt handicapped and realized the importance of a good education. He educated himself during his periods of imprisonment.
Start in politics and freedom struggle
Kamaraj joined as an apprentice in his maternal uncle Karuppiah's cloth shop after dropping out of school. He would slip out from the shop to join processions and attend public meetings addressed by orators like Dr. Varadarajulu Naidu. His relatives frowned upon Kamaraj 's budding interest in politics. They sent him to Thiruvananthapuram to work at another uncle's timer shop.

At the age of 16, Kamaraj enrolled himself as full-time worker of the Congress. He invited speakers, organized meetings and collected funds for the party. He also participated in the march to Vedaranyam led by C. Rajagopalachari as part of the Salt Satyagraha of March 1930.

Kamaraj was arrested and sent to Alipore Jail in Calcutta for two years. He was 27 at the time of his arrest and was released in 1931 following the Gandhi-Irwin Pact. Kamaraj was implicated in the Virudhunagar bomb case two years later. Dr. Varadarajulu Naidu and George Joseph argued on Kamaraj's behalf and proved the charges to be baseless. Kamaraj was arrested again in 1940 and sent to Vellore Central Prison while he was on his way to Wardha to get Gandhiji's approval for a list of satyagrahis.

While still in jail, Kamaraj was elected Chairman of the Municipal Council of Viruthunagar. Nine months later, upon his release, Kamaraj went straight to the Municipality and tendered his resignation from his post. He felt that "one should not accept any post to which one could not do full justice."

Kamaraj was arrested once more in 1942 and sentenced to three years in the Amaravathi prison for spreading propaganda material for the Quit India movement initiated by Gandhiji. While in prison, Kamaraj read books and continued his self-education.


With Satyamurti
Kamaraj's political guru and inspiration was S. Satyamurti, orator and parliamentarian. Satyamurti found in Kamaraj "an efficient, loyal, indefatigable worker and skillful organizer (p. 147, Pakshirajan)." Both developed a deep friendship and complemented each others' skills. In 1936, Satyamurti was elected President of the Provincial Congress Committee and he appointed Kamaraj the General Secretary. Four years later they swapped positions. The party base was strengthened under their leadership. So deep was Kamaraj's devotion to Satyamurti that when India gained independence, he first went to Satyamurti's house and hoisted the Indian flag there. On his election as Chief Ministerof Tamilnadu, Kamaraj went to Satyamurti's house and garlanded his photo and paid his respects to the leader's widow.


Chief Minister
On April 13, 1954, K. Kamaraj reluctantly became the Chief Minister of Madras Province. To everyone's surprise, Kamaraj nominated C. Subramaniam and M. Bhakthavatsalam, who had contested his leadership, to the newly formed cabinet. Kamaraj removed the family vocation based Hereditary Education Policy introduced by Rajaji. He reopened the 6000 schools closed by previous government for financial reasons and also added 12000 more schools. The State made immense strides in education and trade. New schools were opened, so that poor rural students were to walk no more than 3 miles to their nearest school. Better facilities were added to existing ones. No village remained without a primary school and no panchayat without a high school. Kamaraj strove to eradicate illiteracy by introducing free and compulsory education up to the eleventh standard. He introduced the Mid-day Meal Scheme to provide at least one meal per day to the lakhs of poor school children (first time in the whole world). He introduced free school uniforms to weed out caste, creed and class distinctions among young minds.During his period IIT MADRAS was started.many industries were started like BHEL,TRICHY,NEYVELI LIGNITE CORPORATION,MANALI REFINARY LTD,and ICF,PERAMBUR.No of big dams were constructed like Manimuthar dam,Vaikai dam,Aliyar dam,Sathanur dam and Krishnagiri dam.Many schemes were started to generate electicity like Guntha hydro power station,Ooty and neyveli thermal power station.During his period,Tamilnadu was developing in all fronts.

Kamaraj remained Chief Minister for three consecutive terms[citation needed] Kamaraj noticed that the Congress party was slowly losing its vigor. He came up with a plan which was called the "Kamaraj Plan".

On October 2, 1963, he resigned from the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Post. He proposed that all senior Congress leaders should resign from their posts and devote all their energy to the re-vitalization of the Congress.

In 1963 he suggested to Nehru that senior Congress leaders should leave ministerial posts to take up organisational work. This suggestion came to be known as the Kamaraj Plan, which was designed primarily to dispel from the minds of Congressmen the lure for power, creating in its place a dedicated attachment to the objectives and policies of the organisation. Kamaraj was elected President, Indian National Congress, on October 9, 1963.

Well impressed by the achievements and acumen of Kamraj, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru felt that his services were needed more at the national level. In a swift move he brought Kamaraj to Delhi as the President of the Indian National Congress. Nehru realised that if he had wide learning and vision, Kamaraj possessed enormous common sense and pragmatism.


Advice to his ministers
Kamaraj gave a simple advice to his ministers, "Face the problem. Don't evade it. Find a solution, however small. People will be satisfied if you do something." Followed by him a number of Central and State ministers like Lal Bahadur Shastri, Jagjivan Ram, Satyendra Narayan Sinha, Morarji Desai and S.K. Patil followed suit and resigned from their posts. In 1964, Kamaraj was elected 'Congress President' and he successfully navigated the party and the nation through the stormy years following Nehru's death. Kamaraj’s political maturity came in full view when Nehru died in 1964. How he settled the succession issue for the Prime Ministership was amply proved by his choice of Lal Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi in succession.
Death
On October 2, 1975, Gandhi Jayanti day, Kamaraj awoke from his afternoon nap feeling uneasy. His housekeeper, Vairavan, rang up his physician. While he was on his way out, Kamaraj said, "Vairavan, put out the lights when you go out." K. Kamaraj died that day in his sleep. He was honored with the highest civilian honour, the 'Bharat Ratna' posthumously in 1976.
Popular culture
In 2004 a Tamil Movie about his life was released titled "Kamaraj". The English version of the movie was released on DVD in 2007.